Min Zeya played a key role in the build up to Myanmar's 2007 Saffron Revolution which was crushed by the military
BANGKOK (AlertNet) - Myanmar democracy activist Min Zeya, 53, a founder of the 88 Generation movement, was among 302 political prisoners released in an amnesty last week. He had been sentenced to 65 years in 2007 following mass demonstrations against the ruling junta. The prisoner releases are part of efforts to speed up national reconciliation after November 2011 elections saw the military nominally hand over power to civilian officials.
Min Zeya led the All Burma Students Democratic Movement Organization (Ma-Ka-Da) during a 1988 student uprising in which thousands were killed. He became chairperson of the All Burma Students Union Reconstruction Committee founded after the uprising, but was jailed for seven years in 1989. The demonstrations which spread across Myanmar in 2007 led to the Saffron Revolution - protests led by monks calling for democratic change which were crushed by the military.
What have you noticed since your release?
I don’t know much about economy or social issues just yet, but since I got back, what I have seen is that there is much more freedom in terms of politics, in terms of being able to speak and go freely. It is much better than five or six years ago. This is my personal experience. To reach this kind of stage is something very encouraging for us. It also means we have a higher expectation of more effective and faster reforms.
Can you tell us about the day you were arrested in 2007?
We were arrested about a week before the Saffron Revolution. By the time the Saffron Revolution happened, most of the ‘88’ student leaders were in prison. We didn’t realise what was happening because there was a news blackout while we were inside. They arrested us during a night raid in August 2007. Almost all the 88 Generation student leaders were arrested that night. Those who were not at home were arrested over the next few days.
Did you expect to be arrested?
We didn’t think we would be arrested at all because for about a year before they arrested us we had been meeting with the Minister of Home Affairs as well as officers from SB (special branch) and the police commissioner and having discussions with them.
Actually, in 2006, they detained the five of us (the five 88 Generation student leaders – himself, Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Htay Kywe and Pyone Cho) for over three months at Aung Tha Bye (a detention/interrogation camp). We thought we were being arrested but we weren’t. We had discussions with many of the officials about our attitudes and stances.
We gave them our opinions on the National Convention and the constitution orally as well as in written documents. To us we were having a dialogue and we thought this was done with constructive intentions, so we had a lot of positive expectations from our end.
So when they came to our houses that August night, around 11 pm, at first we didn’t think much, because they use to come and pick us up like that. But normally it was during the day, not at night.
I only found out later that after they got me out of the house and only my wife was there, they went inside and turned it upside down, searching for things.
Can you tell us about your trial?
They charged us with 23 counts under various laws in eight courts. But it was a show trial – they had already decided what they wanted to do.
Out of those 23 counts, they found us guilty on four charges under the Electronic Act and one charge under the Unlawful Association Act. Because the maximum prison sentence for the Electronic Act is 15 years, we were given 60 years, plus the maximum five years for unlawful association.
I don’t know what happened to the other 18 counts. It is almost amusing. But I’m worried if those 18 counts were not included in the amnesty.
They accused us of criticising the government and spreading false information about the government on the Internet. I told them, I don’t know how to use a computer and I haven’t used the Internet before. But I was still sent to jail.
How do you know it’s different this time? Are you worried they'll imprison you again?
Based on our experience so far in the past 20 years, we dare not trust (the government) completely. They have been doing as they please – arresting us, then releasing us, telling us they want a discussion, asking us to write papers for them. Still, what is happening right now is much more significant than before 2007.
How many times have you been arrested?
I can’t remember but I must’ve been arrested at least 15 or 20 times like this. In addition to the two stints in jail after being tried, I was also in jail twice without trial. Then there are the times when they would come and pick us up on the pretext that the authorities wanted to speak to us. Sometimes it was overnight, sometimes it was 10 days or a month.
Have prison conditions changed over the years?
If you are in jail today as a political prisoner, the situation is much better now. There is a lot more freedom in terms of food, living and even reading. I first went to jail in March 1988. Between then and 1996 I experienced three prisons. It was like hell and the hell for political prisoners was worse than that for common criminals.
During that time, the food we were given was only fit for animals. Even then they wouldn’t give enough, and you had to live by bribing officials. But the officials didn’t dare take money from us so those of us who were political prisoners were in a worse position.
These days, there’s enough food, there is enough water for a shower (previously we were only allowed to have five cups in a metal bowl), and there is also some sort of medical assistance. These improvements happened after all the sacrifices by political prisoners and after the ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) was allowed to visit us (in the 1990s).
Previously, we weren’t allowed to read. For political prisoners like us, we would rather be allowed to read than allowed to eat, but they would even tear off little pieces of labels and advertisements on the food packets that were given to us by our families.
So in those days, we would satisfy ourselves with pieces of old newspapers that were used as filters for Burmese cigars.
This time, we were able to read journals and magazines, we could order them, and we could watch TV. So it’s like a new world. Also, they separated political prisoners in a different section and the food was slightly better for them. So these are positive changes.
What are your and 88 Generation group's plans for the future?
We want to make our position clear soon. We are trying to come up with a political position that is pragmatic and go along with the current political situation in Myanmar. We are discussing how the 88 Group will continue.
Pro democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is set to run in a by-election scheduled for April. What do you think of her decision?
We support Aunty Suu’s decision to re-register NLD (her National League for Democracy party) and to participate in the by-elections. Whether the efforts have come from 88GS or NLD, we have always supported finding peaceful solutions for the country’s transition to a democracy. It was only when our calls for peaceful solutions and dialogues were ignored and the authorities responded in a violent manner that we took to the streets and started to shout louder. That’s why we had to shed our sweat, blood and tears.
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