State funds worth tens of millions of dollars are siphoned off every year, says anti-graft czar
BOGOTA (TrustLaw) - Colombia must improve control over state funds, ensure new anti-corruption laws are implemented, and make contracting processes more transparent in order to tackle graft, says the South American nation’s anti-corruption czar.
Ten of millions of dollars are siphoned off from government coffers each year. Decades of drug trafficking and a weak state presence in remote parts of rural provinces have provided a fertile breeding ground for corruption in the world's biggest cocaine producer.
“There are lots of different estimates going around, and I don’t want to put a figure on it. But tens of millions of dollars of state funds every year are diverted to favour personal interests,” Miguel Francisco Prado, who heads the government’s anti-corruption body, told TrustLaw in his office in central Bogota.
Last year, Colombia dropped three places from 75 to 78 in Transparency International's annual index ranking 180 countries according to perceived levels of public sector corruption.
Shortly after taking office in August 2010, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos vowed to make fighting corruption a top priority. The government has said it will pursue corrupt officials in the private and public sectors with the same zeal as it goes after the country’s rebel groups.
“Fighting corruption - it’s a war,” said the anti-graft chief. “The message from the president is zero tolerance on corruption. He’s told us there are no excuses.”
SPECIAL TASKFORCE
The centrepiece of the government’s anti-corruption efforts is a special taskforce made up of high-ranking officials from the offices of the attorney general and comptroller general, police force and other government agencies. The elite team reports regularly to the president and answers to him directly.
It is a high-profile strategy many believe is paying off.
Recently, several prominent politicians and former government officials have been put behind bars for corruption and abuse of power.
In September, Bogota’s suspended mayor was jailed pending sentencing for allegedly accepting million-dollar bribes from contractors in return for awarding them major public work contracts in the capital.
In the same month, Colombia’s former intelligence chief was sentenced to 25 years in prison for collaborating with paramilitary death squads.
“We’ve never seen this before in Colombian history,” said Prado, referring to the cases. “Before there were people who thought they were untouchable. But recently we’ve seen politicians, including high-ranking ones, sent to prison and others are under investigation.”
He puts the busts down to better cooperation between government agencies .
“It’s the first time that we’re seeing all the government entities really working together in an integral way, spearheaded by the presidency,” Prado said. “The police and attorney general’s office are sharing evidence, something that didn’t usually happen in the past.”
MONITORING PUBLIC TENDERS
Fraud and embezzlement of state funds in Colombia, as in many other countries, is particularly prevalent during public tenders, where the government grants contracts to both the private and public sectors to carry out public works.
“More control is needed during the selection process of contractors. Citizens should be able to see which contractors are being hired and by what criteria,” said Prado.
Tighter follow-up procedures are also needed to ensure state funds are spent efficiently, he added.
“Controlling state funds involves ensuring resources are spent on what they were originally destined for. That includes checking that schools, aqueducts, hospitals and roads have actually been built and serve the purpose they were designed to do,” he said.
Prado does not have the judicial power to sanction rotten officials - something critics say means the anti-graft body lacks teeth. But his office can name and shame corrupt individuals.
It often works with the attorney general’s office and the police to bring cases against corrupt officials and businesses, sometimes with the help of whistleblower citizens.
It also promotes anti-corruption measures at the local level, including encouraging contractors to meet with communities, ensuring governors publish spending and contract awards online, and getting councils to hold open-door meetings.
Prado cites Colombia’s health sector as an epicentre of corruption. A myriad of subcontractors and healthcare providers, together with the outsourcing of healthcare, make it difficult to track spending.
“Whenever there are vast sums of money involved, like in the health sector, the risk of corruption is always greater,” the official said.
MINING FEES BOOM
Another corruption hotspot is the misuse and squandering of royalties paid by international oil and mining companies to operate in Colombia's resource-rich provinces, which amount to billions of dollars every year.
A new mining law, set to come into effect next year, aims to ensure royalties are distributed more fairly across the country, meaning that some local governors will receive windfalls for the first time.
“The law is good but it poses a greater risk of corruption in more areas of the country that are set to receive royalties,” said Prado.
While most Colombians believe corruption is a major problem, changing behaviour remains an uphill struggle. People indulge in corrupt practices partly because they think they can get away with it.
“The culture of illegality has permeated Colombia through drug trafficking, organised crime and guerrilla groups, which has left behind a legacy that lends itself to corruption,” Prado said.
“It’s about changing that culture - starting at the basic level like getting people to respect a red light.”
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